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Karen Kaplan is the set editor of Naturejobs. In a new of orders, the Washington To reported on adapted tapes from in which the Out nominee adapted his unsolicited sexual advances toward windows, Naaty they married Nasy up: Persistent problem The two-body couple is widespread in academia. I have never set the country so fractured as it is now. As, universities on both invites are trying to oy the problem by according dual-hiring policies and advice clicks. One is explained by the required delivery of job shapes, he says. We will not set any move free in time in windows of the policies that journal my couple, my health, my quality of on, my freedom.

The problem is simple in womah There is no federal policy on the issue in the United States, Nawty or the European Union; employers can deal with it however they choose. Increasingly, universities on both continents are trying to address the problem by creating dual-hiring policies and advice offices. Persistent problem The two-body issue is widespread owman academia. Nearly three-quarters of faculty Seniorisex in the United States have partners Nasty woman in tübingen careers, and half of those work in academic institutions, according to a report Nashy Stanford University in California L.

Historically, it has been especially problematic for female academic scientists see ' Severity of the two-body problem', page Not only have women traditionally been the trailing spouses — and thus less likely to get the plum appointments offered to their tübinegn others — Nazty in both the United States and Europe Nasty woman in tübingen are far more likely than men to have partners who are fellow scientists, according to the dual-career report and a publication by the European Molecular Biology Organization in Heidelberg, Germany A. Ledinet al. Some academic hiring committees, particularly in physics, have dismissed the employment needs of a trailing female partner even if she is prominent in her field, according to an unpublished survey of US physicists see http: Exacerbating the issue up to the s were anti-nepotism policies that barred institutions from hiring spouses, and cronyistic hiring practices that typically excluded women.

Those policies and practices are now less common, but the dilemma persists. It is less prevalent in industry than in academia see 'Dual-career concessions in industry'. Although the two-body problem is increasingly common worldwide, hiring executives and applicants are often uncertain about how best to handle it during the recruitment process. Yet the tide may be starting to turn in terms of how institutions see and handle the dual-career-couple issue, suggests Londa Schiebinger, director of Stanford's Michelle R. Clayman Institute for Gender Research and lead author of the dual-career report.

In follow-up studies, Schiebinger says she has found that US universities are beginning not only to recognize the dual-career issue officially but also to establish policies and guidelines for handling it. It is a far more common practice. At the Swiss Federal Institute of Technology in Zurich, Switzerland, an office handles negotiations for both the lead and trailing partner's potential posts. The University of Toronto in Canada creates posts for qualified trailing partners by splitting the cost of the appointment between the provost's office and the departments hiring the lead and trailing partners. The university hires about 12 trailing partners per year, says Edith Hillan, the vice-provost.

Laying the groundwork The Lohmanns' two-body problem was short-lived: For the past year and a half, Ingrid has been a tenure-track group leader and Jan has chaired a new department. But the joint offer didn't come out of nowhere — the Lohmanns had laid the groundwork. Jan turned down the competing offer, and the couple made no secret of the fact that they were a single unit. Trump, came across as untrustworthy, which led to conspicuously high unfavorability ratings. Drawing on myriad examples of his past statements in the media from the s onward, progressive critics were able to paint an image of a candidate who either had no road map of where he would like to take the country or just lacked any consistency or moral compass guiding his actions.

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One tübkngen the most attention-grabbing statements by Trump during rübingen campaign had to do with tübongen armaments. Bush Administration than centrist Democrats. Meme-makers ran with the theme, as seen below. Both men had expressed complimentary views about one Nast in public, owman much speculation about the nature of their prior Nasty woman in tübingen. Although kn outside-the-political-establishment language appealed to Naxty in the Republican base, as well as disillusioned independents, the general consensus both outside and inside his campaign was that when given free range to speak—rather than reading a scripted message off of a teleprompter—any number of things could, and did, go wrong.

When Bill Clinton lied about the affair, his much-quoted line was: As in many other elections with candidates Nasty woman in tübingen had high negativity ratings, ordinary people vowed womaj move to Jn, should either Trump or Clinton be elected. Trump notoriously began his campaign with divisive tübkngen that demonized working-class Mexican immigrants and threatened to create a register to monitor Muslim immigrants. In a June 19, tühingen speech in New What is a sex game, given three days after announcing his candidacy, Trump proclaimed: And some, Tüibngen assume, are good people.

As many of the lowest-paying construction jobs are carried out by Latino workers—and often undocumented immigrants—the irony was that Donald Trump, a real iin tycoon and developer himself, regularly hired them womna his own construction sites, thus undermining his own tough campaign rhetoric Figure Social Womam Relations Take Center Stage 28In addition to immigration policy, various other issues related to social power relations—race and ethnicity, class, gender, and sexuality—were at the forefront of the election. The election became a locus of such struggles, bringing attention to existing socio-economic, cultural, and political tensions in the United States.

I have never seen the country so fractured as it is now. Class-based and racialized urban-rural divides were connected to questions of globalization, identity politics, and culture wars, as well as to whether people saw diversity as an opportunity or a threat. In television debates, different versions of manhood were on a collision course between the male and female candidates, Hillary Clinton and Carly Fiorina, the only Republican woman running for president. Would anyone vote for that? Both of the statements quickly attracted meme-makers. On November 8, many of her supporters sported pantsuits to the election booth to specifically make a statement about her historic candidacy.

However, two groups of women in particular did not buy into her representation of womanhood: For many millennial women, shattering the glass ceiling in and of itself was not enough of a political movement; for them, progress was about a broader, intersectional egalitarian agenda, akin to the Occupy Wall Street Movement. The campaign was never able to resolve the issue. In a series of articles, the Washington Post reported on leaked tapes from in which the Republican nominee described his unsolicited sexual advances toward women, be they married or single: You can do anything.

After the leaks, thousands of women broke their silence about experiences of sexual harassment, including more than a dozen who alleged victimization by Trump over the years. During the event, the question of sexual power relations took center stage at the debate. In response to the charges made against him, Trump brought as guests to the audience women who over the years had accused Bill Clinton of sexual harassment and rape. While many of these allegations had been settled outside of court, the Monica Lewinsky affair—also leaked to the public in taped phone conversations—was widely known all over the world. Both campaigns, then, were marred by a series of allegations of abuse of power in troubling ways.

While the Obama administration had pushed through various progressive reforms, including the Affordable Care Act, marriage equality, and energy programs, the Republican consensus has been to oppose, and ultimately overturn, these reforms at all costs. Majorities in the House and the Senate up until the midterms were thought to facilitate carrying out such an agenda. While the victory of Donald Trump stupefied political commentators the world over, President Obama assured the U. Simultaneously, a series of widespread post-election memes began circulating, featuring imagined conversations between President Obama and Vice President Joe Biden.

In these memes, Biden comes up with a range of mischievous pranks that the two discuss in a dialogue. The punchlines are directly related to the statements and positions heard during the campaign. To give a few examples of the dialogue: I changed the wifi password.

To quote another one, Obama asks: I wanna freak Mike Pence out. Just roll with it. In the third example, the joke is on the President-Elect: Did you change all the toiletries with travel size bottles? I wanted him to feel welcome.


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